| Latest History NCERT Notes, Solutions and Extra Q & A (Class 8th to 12th) | |||||||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 8th | 9th | 10th | 11th | 12th | |||||||||||||||
Chapter 7 Women, Caste And Reform
Examining life in India around two hundred years ago reveals significant differences, particularly concerning the status of women and societal divisions based on caste. Unlike today, where many girls attend school alongside boys and pursue higher education and careers, the situation was vastly different.
Historically, **child marriage** was a widespread practice. Both Hindu and Muslim men were legally permitted to have **multiple wives**. The practice of **sati**, where a widow immolated herself on her husband's funeral pyre, was glorified in some regions; women who died in this manner were called "**sati**," meaning virtuous. Women's rights regarding **property** were limited, and access to **education** was minimal, often discouraged by the belief that it could lead to widowhood.
Beyond gender disparities, Indian society was deeply divided by the **caste system**. At the top were Brahmans and Kshatriyas, considered "**upper castes**". Below them were groups like traders and moneylenders (often classified as Vaishyas). Further down were peasants and artisans (categorised as Shudras). At the very bottom were groups assigned tasks deemed "**polluting**," such as cleaning, and were treated as "**untouchables**". They faced severe discrimination, being denied entry into temples, access to shared wells, and public bathing areas, and were considered inferior.
Over the 19th and 20th centuries, many of these deeply entrenched social norms and discriminatory practices began to change, driven by various reform efforts.
Fig. 1 shows a painting of the practice of Sati by Balthazar Solvyn from 1813. European artists depicted Sati as evidence of what they perceived as the barbaric nature of Eastern customs, contributing to the colonial narrative of needing to "civilise" India and providing impetus for British intervention in social practices.
Working Towards Change
The early 19th century marked a turning point in how social customs and practices were debated. This was significantly influenced by the advent of **new forms of communication**, especially **printing**.
The availability of inexpensive printed materials like **books, newspapers, magazines, leaflets, and pamphlets** revolutionised the spread of ideas. Unlike costly and inaccessible manuscripts, printed matter could be read by a wider audience, including ordinary people. This new medium allowed individuals to write and share their thoughts and opinions in their native languages.
Consequently, a broad range of issues – social, political, economic, and religious – could be openly discussed by men (and occasionally women) in the burgeoning urban centres. These discussions reached a larger public and became interconnected with movements advocating for social change.
Often, these reformist dialogues were initiated by Indian individuals and organisations dedicated to reform. **Raja Rammohun Roy** (1772–1833) was a prominent figure in this regard. He established the **Brahmo Sabha** (later known as the **Brahmo Samaj**) in Calcutta. Reformers like Rammohun Roy felt strongly that societal changes were necessary and that unjust practices needed to be eliminated. Their strategy for achieving change was through **persuasion**, convincing people to abandon old customs and adopt new ways of life.
Rammohun Roy was a proponent of spreading **Western education** in India and championed the cause of greater freedom and equality for women. He wrote critically about the constraints placed upon women, highlighting how they were burdened with domestic duties, confined to the home, and denied opportunities for education and movement outside the domestic sphere.
Changing The Lives Of Widows
Raja Rammohun Roy was particularly moved by the difficult lives led by widows and initiated a notable campaign against the practice of **sati** (widow burning).
Being highly learned, proficient in Sanskrit, Persian, and several other Indian and European languages, Rammohun Roy used his knowledge to argue against sati. He presented evidence from ancient sacred texts to demonstrate that the practice of widow burning was **not sanctioned** by these foundational scriptures. This approach was strategic, challenging the legitimacy of a harmful practice by appealing to tradition itself.
By the early 19th century, some British officials were also becoming critical of certain Indian customs, viewing them through a lens of perceived barbarism (as seen in Fig. 1). This made them receptive to the arguments of a respected Indian scholar like Rammohun Roy. His efforts, combined with the changing British attitudes, led to the **banning of sati in 1829**.
The method employed by Rammohun Roy – using ancient texts to challenge harmful existing practices – became a common strategy for subsequent reformers. They would search for scriptural support for their reformist views and argue that the current practice was a deviation from the original tradition.
Fig. 2 is a portrait of Raja Rammohun Roy, painted in 1833. A pioneering social reformer, he is remembered for his efforts against Sati and his advocacy for women's rights and Western education, playing a crucial role in initiating the 19th-century reform movements in India.
Fig. 3 illustrates the Hook Swinging festival, a ritual where devotees suspended themselves from hooks pierced through their skin. This practice, involving severe physical suffering, became a target of criticism by European officials in the early 19th century, who saw it and similar rituals as further evidence of India's perceived backwardness and barbarism, fuelling the reform agenda.
Source 1 presents a dialogue on Sati published by Rammohun Roy. The advocate of Sati justifies the practice by asserting women's supposed inferiority and the need to physically restrain them on the pyre to prevent escape. The opponent (representing Rammohun's view) counters this by questioning when women were ever given the opportunity to demonstrate their intelligence or capabilities, arguing that denying them education prevents them from being fairly assessed and makes the claims of inferiority baseless. This highlights the reformist argument linking women's subordinate status to the denial of education and opportunity.
Another prominent reformer, **Ishwarchandra Vidyasagar**, similarly used ancient texts to advocate for the **remarriage of widows**. His efforts persuaded British officials, leading to the enactment of the **Widow Remarriage Act in 1856**. However, this law faced considerable opposition from conservative sections of society, who even boycotted Vidyasagar.
In the latter half of the 19th century, the movement for widow remarriage spread. **Veerasalingam Pantulu** founded an association for widow remarriage in the Telugu-speaking areas of the Madras Presidency. Reformers in Bombay also committed themselves to this cause. In North India, **Swami Dayanand Saraswati**, the founder of the **Arya Samaj**, also supported widow remarriage.
Despite the law and reform efforts, the actual number of widows who remarried remained low. Remarried widows often faced social ostracism, and conservative groups continued to oppose the new legislation and the practice itself.
Fig. 4 shows Swami Dayanand Saraswati, the founder of the Arya Samaj in 1875. The Arya Samaj was a significant Hindu reform organisation that worked against practices like caste discrimination and child marriage and supported widow remarriage, advocating a return to the Vedas while interpreting them in a reformist light.
Girls Begin Going To School
Many reformers believed that providing **education for girls** was essential for improving the overall condition and status of women in society. This led to efforts to establish schools specifically for girls.
**Vidyasagar** in Calcutta and other reformers in Bombay were instrumental in setting up some of the **first schools for girls** in the mid-19th century. However, these initiatives faced significant resistance and fear from many people. Common fears included that schooling would remove girls from their homes, neglecting their domestic duties, and that travelling through public spaces to attend school would have a negative or "corrupting" influence on them, reinforcing the belief that women should avoid public life.
Consequently, throughout the 19th century, many women from educated families received their education at home, taught by liberal fathers or husbands. Some women even taught themselves to read and write in secret, facing considerable challenges to acquire literacy (as exemplified by Rashsundari Debi, mentioned in previous studies).
In the later part of the century, efforts to promote girls' education continued. The **Arya Samaj** established schools for girls in Punjab, and **Jyotirao Phule** did the same in Maharashtra.
Within aristocratic Muslim households in North India, women traditionally learned to read the **Koran in Arabic**. They were taught by female tutors who visited their homes. Some Muslim reformers, like **Mumtaz Ali**, advocated for women's education by reinterpreting verses from the Koran. Towards the end of the 19th century, the emergence of the first Urdu novels also contributed, often including content intended to encourage women to read about religious matters and household management in a language they could understand.
Fig. 5 is a portrait of Ishwarchandra Vidyasagar, a prominent Bengali reformer who tirelessly advocated for widow remarriage and girls' education, facing significant opposition from conservatives. His efforts led to the passing of the Widow Remarriage Act of 1856.
Fig. 6 shows students of the Hindu Mahila Vidyalaya in 1875. Early girls' schools often faced the assumption that girls' curriculum should be less rigorous than boys'. This institution was notable for offering girls the same level of challenging education traditionally provided to boys, challenging the prevailing norms about female intellectual capabilities.
Women Write About Women
From the early 20th century, Muslim women also played a significant role in promoting education for their community. The **Begums of Bhopal** founded a primary school for girls in Aligarh. **Begum Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain** established schools for Muslim girls in Patna and Calcutta. She was a courageous critic of conservative religious interpretations that assigned an inferior status to women across different faiths.
By the 1880s, Indian women began entering universities, pursuing professions like medicine (becoming doctors) and teaching. Many educated women started writing and publishing their own critical perspectives on the position of women in Indian society.
**Tarabai Shinde**, educated at home in Poona, authored **Stripurushtulna** (A Comparison between Women and Men), a powerful critique of the social inequalities and male dominance (Men Dominant Society) that discriminated against women.
**Pandita Ramabai**, a renowned Sanskrit scholar, argued that Hinduism was oppressive towards women. She documented the harsh lives of upper-caste Hindu women in her book and founded a **widows' home in Poona**. This institution provided shelter and training for widows who had been ill-treated by their in-laws, enabling them to become economically independent.
Fig. 7 shows a portrait of Pandita Ramabai, a significant figure in women's reform. A Sanskrit scholar, she criticised the oppression of women within Hindu society and established a home for widows, providing them with refuge and vocational training to empower them economically.
Source 2 features an excerpt from Tarabai Shinde's *Stripurushtulna*. She uses powerful rhetoric to question the inherent value attributed differently to men and women. She highlights the specific indignities faced by widows, such as forced shaving of hair and exclusion from auspicious social events, attributing these restrictions solely to the loss of their husbands and portraying them as branded unlucky and ill-fated. This text directly challenges the cruel societal norms imposed on widows.
These reformist activities by women themselves caused considerable alarm among orthodox sections of society. Hindu nationalists worried that educated Hindu women were adopting Western ways, which they feared would corrupt Hindu culture and undermine traditional family values. Orthodox Muslims also expressed concern about the impact of these changes.
By the end of the 19th century, women were not just passive recipients of reform but active agents driving change. They wrote books, edited magazines, established schools and training centres, and formed women's associations. In the early 20th century, they organised into political pressure groups to lobby for **female suffrage** (the right to vote), improved healthcare, and better educational opportunities for women. Some joined nationalist and socialist movements in the 1920s.
Leaders like **Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose** supported demands for greater equality and freedom for women. Nationalist leaders promised full suffrage for all men and women after India gained Independence, although they encouraged women to prioritise the anti-British struggle until then.
Law Against Child Marriage
The growing influence of women's organisations and the increasing visibility of writings on social issues helped build momentum for further reforms. One such reform targeted the established custom of **child marriage**.
Indian legislators in the Central Legislative Assembly actively worked to enact a law prohibiting child marriage. These efforts resulted in the passage of the **Child Marriage Restraint Act in 1929**. Unlike some earlier social reform laws, this act was passed without extensive bitter debates or struggles.
The 1929 Act initially stipulated that men could not marry below the age of 18 and women below the age of 16. These minimum age limits were later revised upwards to 21 for men and 18 for women.
Fig. 8 shows a picture of a child bride from the early 20th century. This image starkly illustrates the reality of child marriage, a practice reformers campaigned against, leading to the eventual passage of the Child Marriage Restraint Act in 1929, although the practice sadly persists in some areas even today.
Caste And Social Reform
Alongside advocating for women's rights, many social reformers also critically examined and challenged the injustices of the **caste system**.
**Rammohun Roy**, for instance, translated a Buddhist text that was critical of caste divisions. The **Prarthana Samaj** drew inspiration from the Bhakti tradition, which promoted the idea of spiritual equality for all individuals, regardless of their caste. In Bombay, the **Paramhans Mandali** was founded in 1840 with the specific aim of working towards the **abolition of caste**.
Interestingly, many members and leaders of these early reform associations belonged to **upper castes**. They sometimes challenged caste taboos privately in secret meetings, such as violating restrictions on food and touch, as a personal effort to free themselves from caste prejudice.
Concurrently, other forces began challenging the caste order from different angles. During the 19th century, **Christian missionaries** established schools for tribal groups and children from castes considered "**lower**." Providing education equipped these children with new opportunities and resources to navigate a changing world and seek better prospects.
Economic changes also played a role. As new factories and municipalities emerged in cities, creating demands for labour, poor people began migrating from villages in search of jobs. These jobs often involved physically demanding or sanitation-related work, such as digging drains, laying roads, construction labour, cleaning sewage, or working as sweepers, coolies, or rickshaw pullers. Many of these labourers came from castes traditionally regarded as "**low**."
Some people from lower castes also migrated to work in plantations in regions like Assam, Mauritius, Trinidad, and Indonesia. Although the work in these new locations was frequently arduous, these migrants saw it as an opportunity to escape the oppressive control exerted by upper-caste landowners in their villages and the daily indignities they faced due to their caste status.
The demand for certain types of labour also led to shifts. For example, during the First World War, the increased demand for military shoes provided an opportunity for traditional **leatherworkers (Madigas)**. Despite the caste prejudice associated with handling dead animals, these workers were essential and could demand higher prices, gaining significant profits.
Military service also offered opportunities. Individuals from castes previously considered "untouchable," such as the Mahar community, found employment in units like the Mahar Regiment. **B.R. Ambedkar's father**, a prominent leader of the Dalit movement, taught at an army school, highlighting the changing avenues available to some individuals from these communities.
Fig. 9 shows the coolie ship 'John Allen', used in the 19th century to transport Indian labourers, many from lower castes, to work in places like Mauritius. This image represents the migration of Indians, often seeking to escape caste oppression and poverty at home by taking up arduous labour contracts abroad.
Fig. 10 depicts Madigas, an important group from present-day Andhra Pradesh traditionally considered untouchable, engaged in shoemaking. Despite facing caste-based contempt, communities like the Madigas possessed specialised skills in leatherwork, which became valuable in new economic contexts, offering them some leverage and opportunity.
Demands For Equality And Justice
From the mid-19th century, movements specifically challenging caste discrimination and demanding **social equality and justice** began to be organised by people from within the **Non-Brahman castes** themselves.
The **Satnami movement** in Central India was founded by **Ghasidas**, who worked among the leatherworkers and mobilised them to improve their social standing. In eastern Bengal, the **Matua sect**, led by **Haridas Thakur**, worked among Chandala cultivators and questioned the Brahmanical texts that supported the caste system's hierarchical structure.
In present-day Kerala, **Shri Narayana Guru**, who belonged to the Ezhava caste, propagated ideals of unity and argued strongly against treating people unequally based on caste differences. He famously declared, "**oru jati, oru matam, oru daivam manushyanu**" (one caste, one religion, one god for humankind), promoting a vision of universal equality.
These reformist sects and movements were led by individuals from Non-Brahman castes who worked directly within their communities. They aimed to transform customs and practices within their own groups that might have been viewed with contempt by dominant castes. A key objective was to cultivate a sense of **self-esteem and dignity** among the subordinate castes.
Fig. 12 shows a portrait of Shri Narayana Guru, a revered social reformer from Kerala who championed the cause of unity and equality among lower castes, notably the Ezhava community. His philosophy challenged caste discrimination and promoted a universalist view of humanity.
Fig. 11 depicts Dublas, a community from Gujarat who traditionally laboured for upper-caste landowners, cultivating fields and performing various tasks in their homes. This image represents the dependency and often exploitative relationship between lower-caste agricultural labourers and dominant landowning groups, a key aspect of the caste system challenged by reform movements.
Gulamgiri
One of the most prominent and outspoken leaders from the "low-caste" groups was **Jyotirao Phule** (born 1827). Educated in Christian missionary schools, Phule developed a strong critique of the injustices inherent in caste society. He directly challenged the Brahmanical claim of superiority, which was often linked to the idea of being Aryans.
Phule argued that the **Aryans were outsiders or foreigners** who invaded the subcontinent and subjugated the original inhabitants, whom he considered the true children of the land. According to Phule, the dominant "upper" castes had no inherent right to land or power, as these rightly belonged to the indigenous people, the so-called "low castes."
He envisioned a **golden age** existing before Aryan rule, where warrior-peasants governed the Maratha countryside justly. Phule advocated for the unity of **Shudras** (labouring castes) and **Ati Shudras** (untouchables) to collectively challenge caste discrimination. He founded the **Satyashodhak Samaj** (Truth-Seekers' Society) to promote the ideal of caste equality.
Fig. 13 is a portrait of Jyotirao Phule, a pioneering social reformer from Maharashtra who founded the Satyashodhak Samaj. He strongly criticised the caste system and Brahmanical dominance, advocating for the rights and education of lower castes and women.
In 1873, Phule published his famous book titled **Gulamgiri** (meaning **slavery**). He dedicated this book to all the Americans who had fought for the emancipation of slaves during the recent American Civil War (fought about a decade before 1873). By dedicating his book to the American anti-slavery movement, Phule drew a direct parallel between the oppression faced by the "lower" castes in India and the plight of black slaves in America, highlighting the universal nature of such social injustices.
Source 3 contains an excerpt from Jyotiba Phule's *The Cultivator’s Whipcord*. In this passage, Phule is critical of upper-caste nationalist leaders. He accuses Brahmans of being hypocritical, claiming they have used religion to oppress people's prosperity but now pose as patriots. He distrusts their calls for unity among different castes (Shudras, Muslims, Parsis, etc.) for the sake of national progress, suggesting that such unity is merely tactical ("to serve their purposes") and that afterwards, the old divisions and inequalities ("me here and you over there again") will return. This shows Phule's suspicion that the nationalist agenda, dominated by upper castes, might not genuinely address the concerns of lower castes.
Phule's critique extended beyond the caste system to challenge all forms of inequality. He expressed concern for the difficulties faced by "upper"-caste women, the suffering of labourers, and the profound humiliation experienced by those considered "low" castes. The movement for caste reform initiated by Phule was carried forward in the 20th century by influential Dalit leaders such as **Dr. B.R. Ambedkar** in western India and **E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker (Periyar)** in the South.
Who Could Enter Temples?
**Dr. B.R. Ambedkar** was born into a Mahar family, a community classified as "untouchable." From his childhood, he personally experienced the pervasive nature of caste prejudice. In school, he was segregated, forced to sit outside the classroom, and denied access to the same water facilities used by upper-caste students.
Despite facing these discriminatory barriers, Ambedkar pursued education diligently. After completing his schooling, he received a scholarship that allowed him to pursue higher studies in the United States. Upon his return to India in 1919, he began writing extensively, highlighting the dominance of "upper"-caste power and the injustices faced by lower castes in contemporary Indian society.
In 1927, Ambedkar launched a significant **temple entry movement**. Followers from his Mahar caste actively participated in this movement, asserting their right to enter temples that were traditionally denied to them. Brahman priests reacted with outrage when Dalits used water from the temple tank, symbolising the deeply ingrained nature of caste restrictions on access to religious spaces.
Ambedkar led a total of **three such movements for temple entry between 1927 and 1935**. His primary objective was to raise public awareness and force society to confront the power and unfairness of caste prejudices and untouchability.
Source 4 contains a statement by Ambedkar from 1927, explaining the purpose of the temple entry movement. He clarifies that the goal of going to the tank is not just about access to water, but a fundamental assertion of humanity: "to prove that like others, we are also human beings." He links this struggle to a broader vision for Hindu society, advocating for its reorganisation based on the principles of "equality and absence of casteism."
Fig. 14 shows a drawing of the gateway to the Madurai temple by Thomas Daniell in 1792. For centuries, individuals from communities considered "untouchable" were denied entry into such temples, often not even allowed near the main gateways. The Temple Entry Movement led by Ambedkar directly challenged these religiously sanctioned discriminatory practices, asserting the right of all people to access places of worship.
The Non-Brahman Movement
In the early 20th century, another significant movement emerged, known as the **Non-Brahman movement**. This initiative was spearheaded by members of Non-Brahman castes who had gained access to education, wealth, and social influence.
Their central argument challenged the historical claims of Brahmans. They contended that Brahmans were descendants of **Aryan invaders from the North** who had conquered the southern regions and subjugated the original inhabitants – the indigenous **Dravidian races**. This narrative was used to undermine the Brahmans' claims to social and political power.
**E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker**, widely known as **Periyar**, was a leading figure in the Non-Brahman movement. He came from a middle-class background. Interestingly, he had spent time as an ascetic and had studied Sanskrit religious texts in depth.
Periyar initially joined the Indian National Congress but left in disillusionment. His decision was influenced by an incident at a nationalist feast where seating arrangements were based on caste distinctions, with lower castes segregated from upper castes. This reinforced his belief that the fight for independence needed to address social inequality and dignity for untouchables.
Convinced that untouchables had to fight for their own dignity, Periyar founded the **Self Respect Movement**. He asserted that untouchables were the true inheritors of an original Tamil and Dravidian culture that had been suppressed by Brahmanical dominance. Periyar believed that religious authorities across different faiths sanctioned social divisions and inequality as divinely ordained. Therefore, he argued that untouchables needed to liberate themselves from the strictures of all religions to achieve genuine social equality.
Periyar was a vocal critic of Hindu scriptures, particularly the **Codes of Manu** (an ancient lawgiver) and key texts like the **Bhagavad Gita** and the **Ramayana**. He argued that these texts were used to justify and maintain the authority of Brahmans over lower castes and the dominance of men over women.
Source 5 presents a statement by Periyar highlighting his criticism of the influence of Sanskrit on the status of women. He links words like "Thara Mukurtham" (a term related to marriage rituals, implying a gift) to the idea of women becoming subservient puppets in the hands of their husbands. He criticizes the tradition where fathers tell their daughters that they are now essentially 'gifted away' and belong to their husband's home. Periyar sees this as a direct negative consequence of association with Sanskrit-based traditions and religious texts, which he believed reinforced male dominance and undermined women's autonomy.
The powerful arguments, writings, and movements led by lower-caste leaders prompted some introspection and self-criticism among upper-caste nationalist leaders. However, orthodox Hindu society also responded by forming counter-organisations such as the **Sanatan Dharma Sabhas** and the **Bharat Dharma Mahamandal** in North India, and the **Brahman Sabha** in Bengal. These associations aimed to defend and uphold caste distinctions as fundamental to Hinduism, citing scriptures to justify their position. Debates and struggles over the caste system continued throughout the colonial period and remain relevant in contemporary India.
Fig. 15 shows a portrait of E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker, famously known as Periyar. A leading figure of the Self Respect Movement, he vehemently criticised the caste system, Brahmanical dominance, and religious texts that he believed perpetuated inequality. His movement played a significant role in challenging caste hierarchies in South India.
Organising For Reform
Apart from individual reformers, several organisations were established during this period to collectively work towards social and religious reforms.
The Brahmo Samaj
Established in 1830 by Raja Rammohun Roy, the **Brahmo Samaj** was a significant reformist movement. It **prohibited idolatry and sacrifices** and believed in the philosophy of the Upanishads. Members were discouraged from criticising other religious practices, indicating a stance towards inter-religious understanding. The Brahmo Samaj critically analysed both Hindu and Christian traditions, considering their positive and negative aspects in its reform efforts.
Fig. 16 shows Keshub Chunder Sen, a prominent leader of the Brahmo Samaj after Raja Rammohun Roy. He continued the reformist agenda, although internal disagreements later led to splits within the organisation. His leadership further popularised Brahmo Samaj's ideas.
Derozio And Young Bengal
**Henry Louis Vivian Derozio** was a teacher at Hindu College, Calcutta, in the 1820s. He promoted **radical ideas** among his students, encouraging them to question established authority and traditions. The group of his students came to be known as the **Young Bengal Movement**. They actively challenged traditional customs, advocated for **women's education**, and championed the freedom of thought and expression, representing an early wave of intellectual and social reform influenced by Western liberal ideas.
Fig. 17 shows Henry Derozio, an influential teacher whose radical ideas inspired the Young Bengal Movement. His encouragement of critical thinking and questioning of tradition marked him as a significant figure in the intellectual awakening and reformist discourse of 19th-century Bengal.
The Ramakrishna Mission And Swami Vivekananda
The **Ramakrishna Mission**, named after Sri Ramakrishna Paramhansa, the guru of Swami Vivekananda, was founded with the core principle of achieving spiritual liberation through **social service and selfless action**. It combined spiritual teachings with practical humanitarian work.
**Swami Vivekananda** (1863-1902), originally known as Narendra Nath Dutta, played a pivotal role in popularising the teachings of Ramakrishna Paramhansa and the philosophy of Vedanta both in India and globally. After his impactful speech at the World Parliament of Religions in Chicago in 1893, he gained international recognition as a learned representative of Indian spirituality.
Vivekananda re-established the spiritual pre-eminence of Vedanta on a global scale. However, his mission was deeply rooted in addressing the poverty and suffering of his countrymen. He firmly believed that meaningful reform in India depended on the **upliftment of the masses**. His powerful call to action encouraged Indians to move beyond narrow religious practices and unite in the service of the nation, making a significant contribution to the nascent Indian nationalism.
Vivekananda's nationalism was not narrow; he believed in the need for global unity and equality among nations to address humanity's challenges. He urged Indian youth to unite based on a common spiritual heritage, embodying a new spirit of strength and future hope.
Fig. 18 shows Swami Vivekananda, a key figure in modern Hindu reform and a global spiritual ambassador. He founded the Ramakrishna Mission and advocated for social service as a path to spiritual growth, linking religious philosophy with the practical upliftment of society and contributing to the growth of Indian nationalism based on spiritual values.
The Prarthana Samaj
Established in Bombay (Mumbai) in 1867, the **Prarthana Samaj** was another influential reform organisation. Its main objectives included working to **remove caste restrictions**, **abolish child marriage**, **encourage the education of women**, and support **widow remarriage**. Its religious services drew upon texts from Hindu, Buddhist, and Christian traditions, reflecting an inclusive and reformist approach to spirituality and social issues.
The Veda Samaj
Inspired by the Brahmo Samaj, the **Veda Samaj** was founded in Madras (Chennai) in 1864. It shared similar reformist goals, advocating for the **abolition of caste distinctions**, promoting **widow remarriage**, and supporting **women's education**. Members of the Veda Samaj were monotheistic, believing in one God, and actively condemned the superstitions and rituals associated with orthodox Hinduism of the time.
The Aligarh Movement
Led by **Sayyid Ahmed Khan**, the **Aligarh Movement** focused on educational reform within the Muslim community. In 1875, Sayyid Ahmed Khan founded the **Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College** at Aligarh, which later developed into the Aligarh Muslim University. This institution aimed to provide modern education, including Western science, to Muslims, encouraging them to engage with contemporary knowledge while retaining their cultural identity. The Aligarh Movement had a significant impact on educational development and reform among Muslims in India.
Fig. 19 shows Sayyid Ahmed Khan, the founder of the Aligarh Movement and the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College. He was a key figure promoting modern education and social reform within the Muslim community in India during the colonial period.
The Singh Sabha Movement
Reformist efforts were also seen within the Sikh community with the emergence of the **Singh Sabha Movement**. The first Singh Sabhas were formed in Amritsar in 1873 and Lahore in 1879. The movement sought to **purify Sikhism** by removing superstitions, caste distinctions, and practices perceived as inconsistent with Sikh tenets. A key focus was the **promotion of education** among Sikhs, often combining modern instruction with traditional Sikh teachings.
Fig. 20 depicts Khalsa College in Amritsar, established in 1892. This institution was a significant outcome of the Singh Sabha Movement's efforts to promote education within the Sikh community, blending modern subjects with Sikh religious and cultural instruction.